RESEARCH PAPER: THE INFLUENCE OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF BIAFRA (IPOB) MESSAGES OF THE SECURITY SITUATION IN SOUTH EASTERN NIGERIA

ABSTRACT

This study examines the Influence of Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) Messages on the Security Situation in the South East. It focuses on how various mass media messages being spread by the members of the Indigenous People of Biafra through Pirate/Internet Road Biafra, unregistered Biafra Newspapers, Social Media and other sites have influenced the rising spate of violence in the South Eastern part of Nigeria in the last two years. Spiral of Silence, Cultivation, Agenda Setting and Fear Appeal Theories were applied in this study. The study was done using survey method which had a sample size of 400 out of a population size of 16,395,555. Results analysed from the respondents showed that the South Easterners are exposed to IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages and that this exposure through the fear and violence it induces, contributed to the rise in insecurity in the South East. The findings showed that most Pro-Biafra messages are transmitted through the Radio (Radio Biafra) and seconded by the Social Media. The Government is advised to handle the Biafra related agitation by obeying court orders and having a dialogue with the agitators and also build technologies for tracking down pirate radios, while Government Agencies, Communications bodies, boards and agencies are encouraged to fashion out an effective way to regulate the Social Media without stifling freedom of speech.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

Background of the study

Since pre-Independence days, tribalism has remained a big challenge to the success of the country, Nigeria(Richard Chilee, 2013). All tribes seem to be suspicious of one another and the Igbo nation believes they share the greatest portion of this mistrust. It was Chinua Achebe in his book, “The Trouble with Nigeria” (1983), who said that Nigerians will probably achieve consensus on no other matter than the common resentment of the Igbo.This common resentment of the Igbo seems to not only be at the background of the insecurity challenges facing the South Eastern Nigeria, but also at the background of all other major crises facing the Nigerian State. For the resentment for the Igbo man and the need to curtail him and keep him perpetually down from inception has continued to ignite several crises in Nigeria, one of which includes the current security situation of South Eastern Nigeria.

The origin of the current security crises bedeviling the South Eastern Nigeria can easily be traced back to the January 15^th, 1966 Coup d’etat, but best traced back to the Kano Riots of 1945 when the Anthony Enahoro moved the motion for Independence and was rejected by Northern members of the Parliament. The actions of the Northern Members of the parliament angered Lagosians who stoned the legislators on their way home. Instead of attacking the all the nationalities that dominated Lagos, the Northerners revolted against Igbos in Kano, killing Igbos and burning down their shops. This marked the beginning of the attacks against Igbos for offences committed by other tribes or offences jointly committed by everyone.

In 1966, after Junior Military officers executed a Coup, it was termed an Igbo Coup and several Igbo Officers had to pay with their lives. It would later lead to a pogrom against Igbos in the North, killing an estimated 30,000 people. This pogrom was one of the major causes of the Biafran Genocide.

After the war, the victimization of the Igbo remained persistent. In a squabble between Abiola, a Yoruba man and Babangida, a Gwari man, led to the June 12 riots where the properties of Igbos in Lagos and Ogun States were burnt to ashes and many killed.

In 2002, similar riots took place in the Kano State, following an infraction on Islamic faith. Igbos were still the target. During the #ENDSARS Protests, Igbos were to suffer the consequences as Igbos in Rivers State were massacred. Recently, there was a Religious crises in Sokoto, involving the Murder of a 200 Level student known as Deborah, Igbos were still attacked and their shops set ablaze.

Subconsciously, Igbos have become endangered species in the Nigerian state, and all these lay credence to the arguments of those who are asking for Secession, Restructuring and Resource Control or True Federalism, as they believe that Nigeria cannot work the way it is constituted currently.

It was these agitations that led to the formation of Secessionist groups like the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), Biafra Zionist Movement (BZM) and other groups that eventually snowballed into the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). Their activities remained an on and off thing until the Muhammadu Buhari Led Administration came in 2015.

In the past 2 years, security situation in Nigeria, particularly in South Eastern states has taken a totally different dimension. The spate of arson attacks on motorists, police stations and killings of security operatives, traditional rulers, government agents, market men and women and ordinary Nigerians by unknown gunmen (UGM) is on the increase in the South East. The Federal Government (FGN) accuses the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) of being behind these attacks in the region through their illegal security outfit known as Eastern Security Network, ESN. On the other hand, the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) accuses the Federal Government of being responsible through the Department of State Services. This accusation and counter accusations have resulted in multiplicity of voices either in support of FGN or against IPOB and its security wing, the Eastern Security Network (ESN).

This multiplicity of voices tend to be louder in the media space, particularly the social media, which gives users multi-access to information and the ability to be producers of information, and audience gatekeepers, also engage each other in open conversation (Mateji,2015;Achor and Nnabuko,2019). Similarly, social media conversation/discourse facilitates citizens’ involvement in public discourses and gives them platform for one-way self-expression, interactive debate and to frame political issues that routinely appear in public domain (Castells, 2012; Ahemd, Cho and Judka, 2019).

Under this circumstance, the citizen-generated content makes known an important issue such as insecurity faster than the mainstream media (Shirky, 2011). This changing media ecology has made social media to emerge as an alternative information source for almost every issue or event. Citizens now have assumed dual role in information production process. They are now producers and receivers of information and this has depleted the traditional gatekeeping role of the media (Achor and Nnabuko, 2019). The importance of social media as an alternative source for information and public sentiments appear to be more pronounced especially in times of social conflicts and political turmoil (Handy and Gomaa, 2012; Meraz and Papacharrisi,2013).

Today, the recent surge of insecurity challenges in the South Eastern part have generated discussions both on the social media space, in the traditional media and very serious concerns for the relative government and the residents. Amidst these discussions are the roles the Indigenous People of Biafra have played or are playing in the worsening security situation.

While some assert without facts or evidence, that IPOB is directly responsible for the routine attacks on ordinary citizens on Mondays or other IPOB sit at home days and on security agents, government officials or Hausa/Fulanis on other days, others maintain that the numerous pro-Biafra messages being spread by the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, Nnamdi Kanu, their former Deputy Leader, Uche Okafor Mefor, their Spokesman, Emma Powerful and recently the Self acclaimed Nnamdi Kanu Disciple on Biafra Restoration, Mr. Simon Ekpa, through the illegally operated Radio Biafra and their Social Media handles, ranging from Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and Youtube.

While the former set of people argue that the attacks were orchestrated by IPOB as a way of implementing its numerous sit at home orders and other instructions, not minding that IPOB through Emma Powerful had denied any form of involvement in their press releases and during a TV programme with Channels Television, the later set of people argue that whether the attacks were being orchestrated by Hoodlums or Federal Government through DSS as IPOB often claim, that the whole issue were an offshoot of IPOB Secessionist Pro-Biafra Messages.

It is the assertion of the latter that we intend to study and discover the veracity of the claims that the IPOB Pro- Biafra Messages influenced the Security Situation in the South Eastern Region of Nigeria, from the most peaceful region in the country to a now terrorised region.

Statement of the Research Problem

After ranking as the most peaceful region in Nigeria, the Security Situation in South Eastern Nigeria started deteriorating speedily starting from February 2021. It started first with the attacks on security operatives, mostly the police, to attacks on government buildings and institutions. People have wondered what could have triggered the anti-state attacks, and it is only natural that suspicious fingers were pointed at the Secessionist group known as IPOB, who prior to these occurrences, had established a militia arm of the organisation known as the Eastern Security Network.

The issue became even worse after the arrest of Mr. Nnamdi Kanu in June 2021. IPOB went ahead to declare Sit at Home in the entire South East Zone every Monday and any day Nnamdi Kanu has a court case, starting from August 8^th, 2021. IPOB went ahead to warn seriously that there would be dare consequences for anyone who violates the Sit At Home as the spirits of Biafrans who died in the struggle will come after them. Indeed, those who violated the sit at home had their vehicles burnt, their shops destroyed and the unlucky ones were killed.

The Messages which were constantly pushed by IPOB claimed amongst other things that;

There is an Islamization Agenda by the Northern cabals
That the President died in 2017 and was replaced by a certain Jubrin from Sudan
That the activities of Fulani Herdsmen was part of the Agenda to Islamize Nigeria
That South Eastern Politicians are puppets of the Sokoto Caliphate
That the only Solution to all the problems in Nigeria is the disintegration of the country
That Nnamdi Kanu is a god-sent prophet who has divine and international powers backing to restore Biafra.

It continued like that for five weeks, before IPOB, through Emma Powerful in a communiqué released on social media, called off the Monday sit at home but retained the court days sit at home. However, Mr. Simon Ekpa, a self-acclaimed Nnamdi Kanu’s Disciple on Biafra Restoration maintained that the sit at home should continue to hold, and indeed, people continued to get killed and properties destroyed every Monday across Igbo Land. This begs the question; isn’t the entire violence in South Eastern Nigeria influenced and inspired by IPOB pro-Biafra messages?

Therefore, the South Eastern region of Nigeria is not just faced with the problem of Insecurity but also that of confusion as to who could be responsible and what could have influenced the situation. This became a crucial point in our study

Several scholars have studied the nature of the violence, the immediate and remote causes of the IPOB uprising, as well as the factors responsible for the degeneration of issues to this level. However, none has studied the relationship between their pro-Biafra messages and the security situation in the region, which is the gap this study intends to fill.

1.3 Objectives of the Study

The main objective of the present study is to ascertain the influence of Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) messages on the security situation in South Eastern Nigeria. While the specific objectives are to:

Find out the extent to which South Easterners are exposed to IPOB pro-Biafra Messages
Ascertain the extent to which IPOB pro-Biafra messages influenced knowledge level of South Easterners about politics, history and the Biafra war.
find out the most popular channel through which IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages are passed
determine the extent to which IPOB Pro-Biafra messages negatively influenced the current security situation in the South East Nigeria

1.4 Research Questions

The following research questions were carefully drawn from the objectives of this study as stated aboveto guide this study:

To what extent were South Easterners exposed to IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages?
To what extent has IPOB Radio Biafra programs and social media messages influenced knowledge level of South Easterners about politics, history and the Biafra war?
Which channel is the most popular in transmitting IPOB related information in the South East?
To what extent has the IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages negatively influenced the current security situation in South Eastern Nigeria?

1.5 Research Hypotheses

Based on the research questions, the following hypotheses were formulated:

Hypothesis 1

H_o:There is no significant relationship between IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages and the Security Situation in South Eastern Nigeria.

H_i: There is a significant relationship between IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages and the Security Situation in South Eastern Nigeria.

Hypothesis 2

H_o: There is no significant relationship between the knowledge level of South Easterners about politics, history and the Biafra war and their exposure to IPOB Messages.

H_i: There is a significant relationship between the knowledge level of South Easterners about politics, history and the Biafra war and their exposure to IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages.

1.6 Significance of the Study

This project will benefit the security agencies as it would assist them to know how to relate with the people they are securing. It will also help government and policy makers to appropriately bring up measures to de-radicalize the youths. It will help broadcasters to know how to design their broadcast messages so as to aim at bringing down the influence of IPOB pro-Biafra messages on the people. For the academics and students of communication studies, it will help them to understand how messages are passed. To the ordinary residents and indigenes of South Eastern Nigeria, it will help them to be aware of the effect of messages being passed around them and help them to combat it. It will help other researchers that may want to carry out further research on this study. It is expected that at the end of this study, that it will update knowledge within the framework of the study. Particularly, it will assist people’s understanding of the root causes of the security catastrophe bedevilling the South East region and contributing in the effective curtailing of the menace.

The study will be of benefit topolicy makers in South East and Nigeria in general as it will help them to design policies that will improve the processes of gatekeeping and monitoring of the kind information people allowed to have access to over a long period of time.

Most importantly, this study can help critical stakeholders to join hands together and end the tension brewing in the South East, and engender Peace and sustainable development.

Finally, findings could form the basis for future research on various aspects of security communication both for the traditional and the New Media.

. Scope of the Study

The scope of this research work centres on the assessment of the impact that the pro-Biafra messages being spread by IPOB has on the people of the South East region and if that has in any way, contributed to the security situation in the zone. The scope of this study only covers residents of South Eastern Nigeria, which covers five States, namely; Enugu, Imo, Anambra, Abia and Ebonyi states. These states are the major Igbo States that dominated the defunct Eastern Nigeria that was the defunct Biafra Territory. It is in these five states that sit at homes continually hold alongside the violence that comes with the sit at home orders.

1.8. Limitations of Study

This study is limited by a number of factors, one of which is lack of adequate funds to cover a wider range of people. Again, the fear of being a victim of the violence in the South East actually prevented a lot of people from participating in the survey.

1.9 Definition of Terms

Below are the operational definitions of key terms that are relevant to this study;

BIAFRA: The defunct country birthed in 1967 from the Old Eastern Nigeria and re-joined Nigeria in 1970 after a 30 months war that claimed the lives of over 3 million Igbos.

ESN: Eastern Security Network is an illegal Security outfit set up by IPOB with the intention of protecting Biafrans against the herdsmen attacks.

INFLUENCE: The result or the outcome of the messages spread by IPOB on the people of the South East

IMPACT: How the violence in the South East has effected the daily lives of the people.

IPOB: Indigenous People of Biafra, a secessionist group led by Mr. Nnamdi Kanu, that fights for the Independence of the old Eastern Region.

NNAMDI KANU: The Self-acclaimed leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra who has been in DSS detention for more than one year now.

PROPAGANDA: Information, especially of a biased or misleading nature, used to promote a political cause or point of view. It is mostly used by IPOB to convince people to support the Biafran Cause.

SECESSION: The withdrawal of a group from a larger entity, especially a political entity, but also from any organization, union or military alliance

SECURITY SITUATION: The sudden rise in violence, kidnapping, burning of people and properties and all kinds of vices since the formation of the Eastern Security Network in February 2021.

SIT AT HOME: A Civil Disobedience order issued by IPOB to either show solidarity for the Biafran Cause or protest against government actions, programs and policies.

UNKNOWN GUNMEN: A group of heavily armed men that attack government institutions and officials and kill and attack ordinary citizens who disobey Sit At Home Orders in the South Eastern Nigeria.

CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

2.1 Sources of Literature

In the process of the work, the researcher sought information from both primary and secondary sources. The researcher interacted with South East Residents to understand their first-hand view of the situation at hand. The researcher in addition was able to go through relevant journals and periodicals, books in mass communication as well as made extensive study of magazines and newspapers both offline and online (Internet).

2.2 Conceptual Review

2.2.1 The Concept of the Biafran Struggle

The advent of colonialism in Africa gave birth to many new territories, annexation and extinction of the existing ones. For instance, the territory known as Nigeria today was invented by the colonial masters through the annexation of different existing territories. This geographical invention precipitated the historical distortion and geographical extinction of certain territories. Biafra among other territories lost their sovereignty to this colonial arrangement.

According to Prof. Chinua Achebe, Biafra territory was deduced from “the bight of Biafra, the vast expanse of water covering the Continental shelf into which the Niger empties before flowing into the gulf of Biafra.” In John Mitchell comprehensive map intrinsically made for resolving border disputes, it’s also elucidated that the pertinent estuaries from where the rivers flew into the Ocean is called “Ephraim town” located at 60miles from River Num presently in the South-South Nigeria today. The river is named after Nun, Joshua’s father, the tribe of Ephraim. In a nutshell, some researchers held the view that Biafra was inhabited by Ephraim descendants.

The Nigeria colonial masters successfully formed “Nigeria” from different alien territories but failed to unite her people. Subsequently Nigeria attained her political freedom on October 1st 1960 then arouse power tussle on whom to pilot the country political affairs. It’s an unhealthy political competition among the sections(the Northern, Eastern and Western regions) which Nigeria was divided into. By 1966, It’s conspicuously clear that “Nigeria” was merely a geographical expression lacking the spirit of a nation. The premium on political powers threatened to wreck the whole nation as its let loose upon the country a flood of bitterness, misery and fear perturbing the daily lives of Nigerians. The Military ousted the Civilian government, a counter coup was staged and gruesome killing of civilians in some sections of the country as political tension thickened. Several attempts were made to clean the rots of division and to bury all hatchet which have situated the country into the danger of bloody disintegration but all to no avail.

On the 6th July 1967 the conceivable inferno in the Nigeria’s realm of politics boomeranged and exploded in full horror when the Eastern Nigeria seceded. Lt. Gen Odumegwu Ojukwu, the Military Governor of the Eastern Nigeria declared the region as “The Republic of Biafra” as a consequence of the predicament and injustice the Easterners were subjected to in Nigeria. However, these allegations were rebutted by Lt. Gen Yakubu Gowon, the Nigerian Military Heads of States who described the “seeking justice and salvation in independence” claim as a cover up to satisfy Lt. Ojukwu’s selfish interest. The word “Biafra” and its territory which had gone into extinction was resuscitated through this conflict.

In tandem with Tony Benn popular quote “all war represents a failure of diplomacy.” After dialogue failed, both conflicting parties resorted to violence; war. The war lasted for 30 months. Many lives and invaluable properties were lost. Immediately the civil war ended, Yakubu Gowon, the general who led the Nigerian government to victory over Biafra proclaimed that there was “no victor no vanquished” in an effort to repair the bruised nation and also introduced a policy of “Reconciliation, Reconstruction and Rehabilitation” in a pledge of reconciliation.

Twenty-nine years after the devastating war ended, Chief Ralph Uwazurike, an Indian trained lawyer reignited the spirit of Biafra with the formation of the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra, MASSOB in 1999. Provoked by the growing acceptance for a new state of Biafra, the Nigerian government under Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo began a clampdown on the group. Uwazuruike and his followers were arrested on different occasions on charges of unlawful gathering and disruption of public peace. The FG Attempts to subjugate this group claimed many lives of its members. Also, the Biafra Zionist Movement (BZM) was founded in 2010 by a United Kingdom-based lawyer, Benjamin Onwuka who said the group was on the verge to actualize a “Biafran State.” This group submitted an application to the then UN Secretary General, Banki Moon in 2012. This application dated August 6, 2012 with reference BZM/os. REPUBLIC OF BIAFRA. It also gave the grounds for its application as thus;

“It’s now abundantly clear that the security of lives and property of the Biafran people are no longer guaranteed in the entity called Nigeria”. “It is also very clear that the Right of the Biafran peoples to peacefully practice their religion and freedom of association under the United Nations Charter of Freedom of Association is no longer safe and guaranteed in the entity called Nigeria.”“Therefore, the people of Biafra have resolved that on 5th November 2012, we shall be re-declaring our independence and opt of Nigeria in order to guarantee and protect the Biafran Peoples’ Right to practice their religion without being killed and bombed.” With the spate of time, BZM and all its effort to actualize a Biafran state became a relic of history.

2.2.2 From MASSOB to BZM, IPOB

Due to the crackdown on MASSOB, claims and counter claims of sabotage and allegations that the group was imposing and collecting levies from ordinary people, especially in the South-East, it was not long before MASSOB became factionalised. Today, there are at least three groups fighting for the actualisation of Biafra. They are MASSOB; Biafra Zionist Movement (BZM), led by Barr Benjamin Onwuka, and the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), led by Nnamdi Kanu.

In spite of the factionalisation, the promoters continued their Biafran crusade, insisting that they have the right to self-determination. A protagonist of the crusade said: ‘’The UN, on September 12/13 2007, passed a General Assembly Resolution (A/61/295) with overwhelming majority recognizing and supporting the rights of all ethnic nations to self-determination. ‘self-determination is the principle and practice whereby a nation, for example, an ethnic nation is in control of its own people, its own land, its own resources, and its own governance, independent of any other subtending political structure. The power of this resolution is evident from the fact that if it means that such an ethnic nation has to establish its own different and independent government from the government under which it currently finds itself, the right of the ethnic nation to do so is recognized and supported by UN. This means that we, the people of Biafra, have an internationally recognized right to establish Biafra Republic, independent and different from Nigeria. All other nations currently cobbled together into what is now called Nigeria each, as matter of fact, also have the right. For that matter, all over the world, such nations abound, and they have this same right to self-determination.’’

2.2.3 Radio Biafra

Riding on this crest, the promoters took the agitations to another level recently with the launch of Radio Biafra and aired anti-President Muhammadu Buhari’s programmes, which gave the Federal Government serious concerns with the Nigerian Broadcasting Commission (NBC) jamming the station.However, after being temporarily jammed by the NBC, Radio Biafra, promoted by Nnamdi Kanu, has returned to the airwaves in the South East and some parts of the South-South. Speaking on the progress of the station, late August, Kanu boasted of its followership and promised that Biafra TV would be on air soon.

It was, therefore, not surprising that the IPOB leader was arrested by operatives of the Department of State Service (DSS) penultimate Monday on his arrival in Nigeria from London. He was arraigned secretly at the Magistrate Court, Wuse 11, sitting in Abuja and granted bail on conditions he was yet to meet at press time. Kanu’s arrest and detention sparked off protests in Port Harcourt, Asaba by thousands of pro-Biafran people who did not only demand the immediate release of Kanu but also Biafra freedom from Nigeria.

2.2.4 The Emergence of ESN and the birth of Sit At Home

After Nnamdi Kanu’s release in 2017 under stringent bail condition, the Self-Acclaimed Biafran leader went on to form a Security outfit named the Biafran National Guard with the Mandate of protecting Biafran Land from Fulani Invasion. It was this singular act that led to the formal proscription of IPOB which led to an attempt to re-arrest NnamdiKanu at his home town. He fled, only to reappear one year later in Israel and continued to preach his pro-Biafra messages on Radio Biafra and on Social Media.

The early weeks of 2021 saw a radical turn of event as pictures and videos surfaced on social media showing the formation of a new Security Outfit now known as Eastern Security Network, ESN. According to a tweet by Nnamdi Kanu on his official Twitter Handle, the mandate of ESN was to combat the Fulani Herdsmen in the forests of Biafra Land. This announcement was followed by series of attacks on security personnel and government buildings, mostly police stations and INEC offices, with Imo State recording the highest casualties. All these were credited to Unknown Gunmen; a term that would later be ascribed arsonists in Eastern Nigeria.

This ugly trend continued until 29^th June 2021 when Nnamdi Kanu was paraded at the Federal High Court Abuja, after being arrested by DSS in Kenya on seven count charges bothering on terrorism, treason, libel and sedition.His arrest made the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB to announce a Sit at Home in Biafra Land every Monday and every day Kanu will go to court, starting from 8^th of August 2021.

From that day onwards, people who dared disobey the sit at home were met with disasters raging from destruction of their vehicles or shops or the loss of their lives in the hands of Unknown Gunmen. The IPOB leadership through its spokesman, Emma Powerful denied any involvement in the arson going on and rather blamed them on the DSS trying to paint IPOB as a terrorist group. The accusations and counter accusations has continued and lives and properties are still being lost every Monday and every Nnamdi Kanu Court day in the South East till this day. The statistics according to the cable is stated below:

2.2.5 Self Determination Struggle: An Overview

Ojukwu (1989) argues that self-determination becomes the norm when the right possessed by a group of people to make a choice that works for them concerning the way and by the person they desired to lead them is taken away from them. The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) are pro-Biafran group that agitates for self-determination from the Nigerian government. The group agitates for self-determination from the Nigerian State for the independence of the Biafra Republic. It is worthy of note that the Republic of Biafra was a secessionist state which existed during the period of Civil War in South-Eastern Nigeria between the period of 30 May 1967 and 15 January 1970 which undoubtedly affected economic activities (Nafziger, 1972).

Amnesty International (2016) has submitted that IPOB has utilized its London-based Radio Biafra Station in reaching out to a lot of their dissatisfied youths and that Nnamdi Kanu, being the IPOB leader and the Radio Biafra Director, has made use of the station in reaching out to supporters both within and outside the country. The agitations of IPOB the group and all the strategies used cannot be separated from the political stability of Nigeria. As observed by Obasi (2017), the use of force by President Muhammadu Buhari in responding to the IPOB’s agitations has not been productive as it inflames passion and increases people’s sentiments on separation that may eventually lead to political instability. The Nigerian army’s invasion of Nnamdi Kanu’s home happened 24 hours after it announced the commencement of its operation Python Dance (Part Two) in the South-Eastern states (Ogbonnaya-Ikokwu, 2017). The IPOB leader’s home invasion has not brought any peace between the agitators and the Nigerian government. As made known by Adonu (2018), some Biafrans were taken away and killed in cold blood without any cause at the time of September 2017 operation’s Python Dance and they have not been buried until now. Similarly, the rally organized in honor of Donald Trump’s victory resulted into violence leading to 11 deaths and injuries of many (BBC news, 2017).

The Nigerian federal government has gone ahead to proscribe IPOB and designate them a terrorist group through a court judgment. According to a report by Scannews (2018), on the 20^th of September 2017, Justice Kafarati with an order proscribed IPOB and designated it a terrorist group upon an ex-parte application by the attorney general of the federation and minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami. Declaring the group a terrorist group implies that the group from now will be handled as terrorists by the security forces if they should be found gathering or engaging in any of their activities (Gabriel, Agbakwuru, Yakubu & Agbo, 2017).

One other implication is that anyone found guilty of belonging to IPOB, could be made to serve 20 years in prison when convicted and as provided by section 2 (3) (i) of the terrorism (prevention) acts 2011: a person who belongs to a proscribed organization commits an offence under this Act and shall on conviction be liable to imprisonment for a maximum term of 20 years (Obiejesi, 2018, p.1).

Manifestations of Agitations for Self-Determination around the World

Different countries of the world have experienced agitation for self-determination which took different dimensions depending on what they fought for. Within the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), Kosovo was a self-governing state within the Republic of Serbia. Borgen (2008) reported that, in 1989, the autonomy of Kosovo was ended by Slobodan Milosevic. The situation in Yugoslavia was that of power tussle between the powerful and the less powerful. Borgen in an analysis of Kosovo reported how Kosovar Albanians sought and restored autonomy for Kosovo throughout the period of 1990 and how the Serbian government put in place military actions in the state in 1998 resulting in activities spreading to different places. It is worthy of note that countries have all means available to them to decide on peaceful resolutions without external intervention. The situation with Kosovo and the fight for self-determination coupled with the breakup of Yugoslavia, the UN handling of Kosovo, made the Kosovo case a special one. This is, however, not common in other countries that have issues of self-determination.

In the case of Catalonia, the struggle for self-determination has also been visible as is seen in Biafra, Eritrea, Somaliland, and others. As reported by BBC News (2017), assessment of all the regions in Spain has stood Catalonia out as being at the top in terms of wealth coupled with its 16% addition to the national population and responsible for 19% Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of Spain but the Catalans are of the opinion that the central government has exploited them by taking more from it and giving back less to them. The bitterness of having their independence wished away coupled with many years they have experienced recession and reduction in public spending led the Catalans to go to the polls to decide with a vote on their independence. Organizers say 90% backed independence, but the Spanish leadership declared the votes as illegal (BBC News, 2017). An apology has been sent out to the Catalans by the representative of the Spanish government as a result of lots of injuries sustained by members as the police tried to put an end to the voting (BBC News, 2017). The Catalan parliament then openly made a declaration of their independence and this was met with Madrid suspending the independence of the Catalans, removing their government and forcing on them a direct rule. In this case, Catalans in their struggle for self-determination lost the autonomy they had enjoyed over the years such as controlling their own education, banking system, and others to the central government. In Madrid, the Catalans in their struggle for self- determination have also raised a situation of political instability in their land.

Sharkey (2016) has reported on the plan of Bougainville determination to conduct a referendum before the year 2020 in their fight for self-determination. This has become a focal point as the whole world is watching to see the outcome. It must be noted that Bougainville has suffered violent secession, imperialist invasion and suppression. Every agitation has their background factor and this has been explained in the case of Bougainville. It was through fierce fighting that Japan was able to occupy Bougainville in the Second World War (cited in Sharkey, 2016). Self- determination is the desire of every country that feels they are being held down by another.

The United Nations have gone ahead to sponsor a ‘Popular Consultation’ on August 30, 1999, where East Timor voted to thrash the Indonesian autonomy offer supervised by the United Nations as part of the change to an independent state (Drew, 2001). Indonesia was under pressure to leave East Timor as a result of which on October 15, 1999, a repeal on their unpopular law of July 1976 which annexed East Timor was done by the Indonesian People’s Consultative Assembly (IPCA) (Drew, 2001). This situation undoubtedly brought in place a good foundation for the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) to fully take charge of East Timor. Copenhill (2000) submitted that there has been a huge success in security improvement in East Timor and that INTERFET peacekeepers possessed strong control of all parts of territory with the extinction of fear of insecurity. Copenhill (2000) also reported that the refugee camp of Indonesia at one time had about 150,000 East Timorese in a very dehumanizing condition in militia-controlled camps.

Differences in the historical nature of political struggle have continued to characterize global politics. In the case of Puerto Rico, the Americans took them over from Spain in 1898 and granted all of them US citizenship in 1917, thereby solidifying the complex position of the Island (Tihanyi, 2015). Similar to numerous events in other islands, the Indigenous People of Puerto Rico were nearly brought to extinction at the time they were conquered by Spain and the people that resided on the Island in contemporary times do not have in existence the rightful inheritors (Rasmussen, 2010). In other words, the present people have no link with the previous indigenous natives but are made up of a combination of descendants of the European settlers and those Africans that were brought in through slavery.

Many of the agitators for self-determination are external, while some are internal. A good example of internal self-determination is that of Chiapas, Mexico. In Chiapas, Mexico, the Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion National, EZLN, launched its campaign from the Lacandon jungle in 1994, attracting the attention to the battle faced by the totality of the indigenous people of Mexico. According to Karklins (n.d.), the Zapatistas are encouraged by their love for their culture to keep their own native ways of organization, grassroots governance of the economy which needed quick attention with the high level of intrusion of world economy into different parts of Chiapas and in addition, the coming into place of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).

Agitations for Self-Determination and the Responses of the Federal Government in Nigeria

In modern Nigeria, threat for secession is not new, different groups in the country have fought in different ways as they continue to struggle for self-determination. This is supported by Akanji(2012) when he argued that some ethnic militias such as the Oodua People’s Congress (OPC) and the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) and others alike from the period of the late 1990s have put in place ethnic and sub-ethnic militant groups in the political landscape of Nigeria. Asaji and Egberi (2015) align with the statement when they argue that rivalry exists among different groups with regard to sharing of what he called ‘national cake’, which is another way of saying illicit public wealth to the detriment of the people.

The threats to withdraw from the Nigerian government cannot be said to be new in Nigerian politics. Apart from pro-Biafran agitators, the threat has come from the Northerners and South- Westerners to secede. Secession has indeed been a powerful instrument used in political negotiation in Nigeria particularly between the period 1950 and 1964 (Aremu & Buhari 2017). Different groups believe their presence in the Nigerian political system is valued both politically and economically thereby with high hope of achieving their set objectives. Ayoade (2010, n. p.) confirms this position, joining with it that, “the Northern Region, considered “big, strong and reliable”, had issued an “Eight-Point Programme” threatening withdrawal in 1953. Similarly, the West had also threatened to withdraw in 1953 on the state of Lagos” (Aremu, &Buhari, 2017, p. 7).

Another example of a secessionist group is that of the Ijaws led by Isaac Adaka Boro who mobilized a sizeable number of his Ijaw people to wage war against the Nigerian government under the leadership of Late General Aguiyi Ironsi in 1960. As stated by Chronicles (2017), Isaac Adaka Boro’s major reason was to establish a republic that was independent for his Ijaw people of the Niger Delta but was not as lucky as his soldiers met with defeat and Boro together with his lieutenants faced trial for treason and were convicted. It is the outcome of fear of not getting one’s fair share or one’s desire where one is entitled to enjoy some privileges in society that sometimes leads to such agitations and rebellions. The root cause of the crisis in Nigeria is the issue of discrimination and this is not unconnected with the resources that exist in the localities. There have been concerted efforts to remove existing fear of discrimination through the introduction of certain policies such as:

The introduction of unity schools and Federal Government secondary schools 1966
Abolition of regional structures and the creation of states 1967
The introduction of the National Youth Services Corps (NYSC) 1973
The subdivision of the country or the old southern and northern divide into six geopolitical zones 1993
The establishment of the Federal Character Commission (FCC) 1995
The introduction of the principle of ‘Rotational Presidency’ or power shift 1997

(Malachy, 2012, p.18)

All these policies stated above are good only when properly implemented. It is the nature of differences inherent in the Nigerian political system that has made crisis and agitations unavoidable. In support of this argument, Obasanjo (1989) noted that multi-ethnicity and multilingualism are not only applicable to Nigeria but can be found in different parts of the world. He referred to ethnic differences as very natural to man as having limbs are natural to mankind. In other words, ethnicity should not be blamed for all problems of differences and backwardness that go with it since Nigeria is not the only country with such a feature. In the same vein, “the unity ofNigeria has been equated with a Catholic marriage where it is assumed that the partners may not be happy, but cannot break up” (Enojo, 2016, p. 64). In this regard, the continuous stay of different groups in Nigeria seems to be against their will.

The Nigerian constitution has posited the indivisibility of the country despite the differences in existence. Azikiwe (1964) argues that there is nothing wrong with tribalism since it can be used to set up national unity. He supported the view that tribalism is found everywhere and that it is natural and normal giving the importance of working together and keeping the people’s identity as it will develop into a new community (Nwoko, 1988). It is also believed by some scholars that the government of a country can design any means available to it to ensure unity. In the statement of Olsthoorn and Simpson (1993, p. 29) “Kill the tribe to build a nation” was the motto of the rulers and intellectuals in almost all African countries.

Nigeria is not alone in this ugly situation of disunity and agitations. In the submission of Roskin (1989), he made it known that Britain that is seen as a well-integrated country had a bloody war in and with Northern Ireland. He pointed out places such as France, Spain, Canada, and Yugoslavia as countries where regional problems have come to the fore. In the tackling these problems, the government should never abandon its responsibilities as it relates to national development. In the submission made by Ibeanu, Orji and Iwuamadi (2016), the Nigerian government has adopted the use of security agencies such as the police as the best way of tackling the agitating IPOB coupled with high level use of coercion and repression. Responses of any government towards a group can make or mar the stability of such a state. The implications range from embarrassment meted out to Nigerian citizens by IPOB groups abroad, such as that of the former Imo State Governor, Rochas Okorocha at Catham house in London. Abonyi (2016) revealed that Governor Rochas Okorocha of Imo State had travelled to London to deliver a lecture on human development but could not achieve that as circumstances he met on ground made him to deliver Biafra agitations to the world and make it go viral while his planned lecture was never heard of. The drama that ensued between the governor and the IPOB group in London became embarrassing for the governor in particular and Nigeria specifically.

Similarly, another incident is worth buttressing here. As a form of heating up the polity and creating instability, a partisan group in support of President Muhammadu Buhari, under the aegis of the Coalition of Northern Groups (CNG), raised a false alarm that the embattled leader of the proscribed indigenous people of Biafra, Nnamdi Kanu, had mobilized Nigerians living in the country to attack the president when he visited the United States to speak at the United Nations General Assembly. Daniel (2017, p.1) captures the inciting saga as follows:

In the mail signed by the spokesman for the CNG, Abdul-Azeez Suleiman, the northern leaders said that the action was also intended to further provoke the northerners and incite the world against the Nigerian leader and his government. But the northern group vowed to make appropriate response to the IPOB provocation by taking its position against the antic of the proscribed organization to the UN. The northern group however hailed the south-east governors for proscribing IPOB once it was declared a terrorist group by the Defense Headquarters (Daniel, 2017:1).

In this line, it has become clear that agitations and embarrassment of Nigerian politicians abroad can be provocative for another tribe or group of people having a different interest to protect. In the same direction was the recent attack on the former deputy senate president, Senator Ike Ekweremadu in Germany as he attended the second annual cultural festival and convention put together by the Igbos in Germany (Akelicious, 2019). IPOB gave reasons for the attack on the former senate president, in a statement issued by the IPOB publicity secretary, “Today being the 17^th day of August 2019, the Nuremberg IPOB family in Germany in keeping with the directive from our leader to hound all instigators of Operation Python Dance, is glad to report that Ike Ekweremadu was confronted and duly hounded out of a so-called new yam festival event in Germany” (Akelicious, 2019, p.2). These are all implications of the different ways the Nigerian government has handled the agitations of the IPOB.

2.3 Empirical Review

Scholars over the years have studied the Nigerian-Biafran situation and its implication on national security, national stability, national unity as well as other factors that emanate from the ugly incident of the Nigeria-Biafra Civil War which has in one way or the other, led to the current security situation in South Eastern Nigeria.

Exposure to media contents instigates emotional reactions “when images, videos and life action, real-life tempo and nonlinear juxtaposition of video images interacts with human senses” (McLuhan, (1964). Television whose contents are regulated and ‘often not free from ethical or moral consideration in most cases (a parallel reference to Kaplan, Andreas M., and Michael Haenlein,2010) could turn news events into occasions for collective experiences of emotions using three types of emotional cues.

New Media employs all the three emotional cues: visual grammar (close-ups, zooms, cuts, video graphics, and so on), episodic composite and emotionally loaded words identified by Dayan and Katz (1992) “as contents generated from television”. From the position cited above, pertaining to the stimulant effects resulting from exposure to emotional cues; Cho , Michael, Keum , Shevy , McLeod ,Shah and Pan, (2010) further affirm that emotional response to television content as a psychological experience developed later, after the link between initial primary emotion, message characteristics, and situations has been identified and appraised.

Generating effective New Media contents requires the use of the three emotional cues. Social media derives part of its potency from the deployment of video and images to portray,dramatize, heighten events or happenings. The difference between television generated videos and images and New Media is that while the former is regulated with delineated organizational ethical considerations with the content generator, visible; the latter creates its own rules, free from regulation(s) (in a free society) lack organizational controls and the content generators are not known. Researches based on Theory of Reasoned Action (TRA) and Normative Theory (NT) approaches have demonstrated that human behaviours can be predicted by their attitude towards the behaviour and normative perceptions regarding a stimuli (Ajzen&Fishbein, 1980; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975; Perkins, 2003). The TRA and NT provide platforms for explaining the emotional reactions to New Media contents by its consumers.

The stimuli offered through New Media requires no authentication of its genuineness or otherwise by any party. Hence, perceived beliefs are subjective and operate at personal level norms. It has been posited however, that there is still need for researches to understand the roles of norms in behave ioural changes (Ajzen & Fishbein, 1980; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975; Perkins, 2003; Park, 2007; Kim, Lee, & Yoon, 2015). The inability of TRA and NT to predict a pathway to the understanding of motivational influences led the study to strengthen the theoretical framework by reviewing Stimulus-Response (S-R) theory.

The S-R theory predicts that some reactions are emitted more easily than others in specific stimuli captured by the notion of S-R Compatibility (S-RC). S-RC proposes that a response is elicited quickly, when a relevant or irrelevant stimulus feature is somehow related or similar to the correct response than when both elements differ (Eder, Rothermund, & De Houwer, 2013). Social media are Information Communication digital technology mediated applications, which allow sharing and exchange of user generated ‘unrestricted and unregulated’ information, such as texts, images, videos etc., in a virtual space through online communities and networks. These internet-based applications are mostly and freely available to any individual with a desktop or smart phone with access to the internet.

Kaplan, Andreas and Michael Haenlein, (2010) opine that Social Media need to fulfill three basic requirements in order to be considered as such: first, it needs “to be published either on a publicly accessible website or on a social networking site accessible to a selected group of people.” Secondly, “it needs to show a certain amount of creative effort; and finally, it needs to have been created outside of professional routines and practices”. Kaplan, and Haenlein (2010) went further to include another fourth consideration, which was labelled “free from ethical qualitative data or moral consideration in some cases”.

The four parameters identified by Kaplan, and Haenlein, (2010) provide an understanding of social media operational environment. New Media operates an information jungle where survival and superiority of information sharing and exchanges depend on the potency of New media content deployed. New Media provides real time platform through which user generated contents can be shared whether genuine or fake. In the social media, information is everywhere; the users are not mere consumers, but also producers of content.

2.4 Theoretical Framework

This work is anchored on the Agenda Setting theory, Spiral of Silence Theory, and theCultivation theory.

2.4.1. The Agenda Setting Theory

Agenda-setting theory was formally developed by Dr. Max McCombs and Dr. Donald Shaw in a study on the 1968 presidential election deemed “the Chapel Hill study”. McCombs and Shaw demonstrated a strong correlation between one hundred chapel Hill residents’ thought on what was the most important election issue and what the local news media reported was the most important issue. By comparing the salience of issues in news content with the public’s perceptions, McCombs and Shaw determines the degree to which the media sways public. The theory also suggests that media has a great influence to their audience by instilling what they should think about, instead of what they actually think. That is, if a news item is covered frequently and prominently, the audience will regard the issue as more important.

This theory is relevant in this study as the Indigenous People of Biafra, through Radio Biafra and the social media continuously set the agenda for the people of old Eastern Nigeria as they continued to talk on the negatives and how every actions, programs and policies of the Buhari Administration was aimed at Islamising Nigeria, and the only solution was a total break up of the country.

It’s this continuous message that properly incited the artisans and ordinary people of the South East region to brace up for the situation at hand and welcome insecurity with open arms.

2.4.2. Spiral of Silence Theory

The spiral of silence theory is a mass communication theory proposed by the German political scientist Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann. It states that an individual’s perception of the distribution of public opinion influences that individual’s willingness to express their own political opinions. The main idea is that people influence each other’s willingness to express opinions through social interaction. According to the spiral of silence theory, individuals will be more confident and outward with their opinion when they notice that their personal opinion is shared throughout a group. But if the individual notices that their opinion is unpopular with the group they will be more inclined to be reserved and remain silent. The individual “not isolating himself is more important than his own judgement”. This is a self-expressive act that can change the “global environment of opinion”, shifting the perceptions of others and the willingness of individuals to express their own opinions.

This theory is relevant in this study, noting how IPOB members have made it an abomination for people to hold opinions contrary to their pro-Biafra messages. Any attempt to say anything different will lead to one being labelled a saboteur or being given such derogatory names as “otellectual”, “Fulani Janjaweed” “foolani slave” etc.

Therefore, to avoid such, people with opposing and divergent opinions are cowered into silence.

2.4.3. Cultivation Theory

Cultivation theory is a communications theory that examines the lasting effects of media, primarily television. It suggests that people who are regularly exposed to media for long periods of time are more likely to perceive the world’s social realities as they are presented by the media they consume, which in turn affects their attitudes and behaviours.

This theory is relevant in this study in relation to the way in which the excessive exposure of South Easterners to IPOB Pro-Biafra messages has influenced the way they see Nigeria, their attitude and the new receptive attitude to Violence such that they no longer see anything wrong with the killing of security agents and other absurd activities by the unknown gunmen.

Exposure to IPOB Pro-Biafra messages has in the last 8 years, cultivated a culture of violence, hatred for Nigeria and frustration amongst young South Easterners.

2.5 Summary of Literature Review

This chapter focuses on the review of related literature. The chapter was categorized into parts like; the conceptualization of main variables, empirical studies and theoretical framework.

The wounds of the Nigeria-Biafra war was one that was never totally healed as the works we reviewed continued to point at as the root of the agitations that metamorphosed into the current security challenges facing the South East.

Another complicit party are the Federal Government in the way they have handled Secessionists and other security issues, not just in the South East but in all parts of Nigeria, which according to the literature reviewed, isn’t the way secessionists are treated in all parts of the world.

The security challenges in the South East multiplied since the formation of ESN instead of multiplying.

Agenda Setting Theory, Cultivation theory and Spiral of Silence theory have appropriately explained how the indigenous people of Biafra strengthened their grip on the ordinary people of South Eastern Nigeria, dictating their thoughts actions and reactions, especially to insecurity challenges.

From the reviews, it became necessary to study the influence of the IPOB messages on security situation in South East, with a view to discover the best way to arrest the situation.

CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Research Design

The researcher used descriptive design. According to Ogbuoshi (2021) descriptive studies are mainly concerned with describing events as they are without manipulation of results of the study. Descriptive studies include survey, case studies evaluation research etc.

The study adopted a survey research design for more precise investigation. According to Ogbuoshi (2021) survey research is the collection of standardized information from a specific population or samples. Aron (1970) in Ogbuoshi (2021) asserts that survey research is a method for collecting and analysing social data via highly structured and often very detailed interviews or questionnaires in order to obtain information from large number of respondents presumed to be representative of a specific population. Basically, survey research design is quantitative social research in which a researcher asks respondents the same questions, records and analyses their responses or answers. In other words, survey research involves the collection of social data from a sample of individuals through their responses to questions. It is an efficient method for systematically collecting social data from a broad spectrum of individuals.

The researcher decided to adopt survey research design because of its ability to provide information on large groups with little effort and in a cost effective manner. In this study particularly, the survey research design will be chosen because it will enable the researcher elicit response from a pool of respondents that are learned and able to interpret questionnaire items with little or no guidance and assistance.

The questionnaire contains two sections of close ended questions; section A contains questions related to the demography of the respondents this includes their age, gender, occupation etc while the section B contains the research related questions as stated in chapter one of this study.

3.2 . Population of the study

The area of the study is South-East Nigeria. The South-East geopolitical zone of Nigeria is made of five states namely; Abia (2,845,380), Anambra (4,177,828), Ebonyi (2,176,947), Enugu (3,267,837) and Imo (3,927,563) (National Population Census, 2006). The population of this study are residents of the aforementioned states.

Thus the population of the study is the sum total of the population of the five states.

So population = 2,845,380 + 4,177,828 + 2,176,947 + 3,267,837 + 3,927,563 = 16,395,555.

So the population of the study is 16,395,555.

This is the population figure of the South-East as at 2006 national population census, this present study is being carried out in 2022, therefore the population of the metropolis would be projected to 2022 i.e. a period of 16 years and for the researcher to get an accurate figure, he assumed a population growth rate 2%.

Hence applying the straight-line method or approach formula, the result is as shown below.

N₁ = N₀ (1 + K n)

Where

N₁= Current population at a given growth rate as at 2022.

N₀ = Original population or census figure as at 2006.

K = Growth rate.

N = Numbers of years after last census

For the population size of South-Eastern Nigeria

N₀ = 16,395,555

K = 0.02 or 2%

n = 16

N₁= 16,395,555 (1 + 0.02 x 16)

= 16,395,555 (1 + 0.32)

= 16,395,555 (1.32)

= 21,642,132.6

= 21,642,133

From the result above the current population growth figure of the South Eastern Nigeria as at 2022 when the study is being conducted is approximately 21,642,133.

3.3 Determination of Sample Size

The study employed Taro Yamane formula to get a sample for the study. This formula was used to calculate the sample size drawn from the population size above. A 95% confidence level and P = .5 is assumed for the equation:

Taro Yamane formula is

n = desired sample size

N = the population of the study

e = the level of significance of error or tolerable error

When this formula is applied to the above sample/population, we get the result below.

n = ?

N = 21,642,133

℮ = 5% or 0.05 proportion.

1 = unity (always constant) in value

Working: formula n = N

1+N (e)²

n = N

1+N (e)²

n = 21,642,133

1 + 21,642,133 (0.05)²

n = 21,642,133

1 + 21,642,133 (0.0025)

n = 21,642,133

1 + 54,105.3325

n = 21,642,133

54,106.3325

n = 399.9926071500041

n = 400

Hence, 400 copies of questionnaire was distributed amongst the chosen residents of the five South East states, in order to assess the influence of IPOB pro-Biafra messages on security situation in South East.

3.4 Research Sampling Technique

The sampling of the 400 respondents was done using a multistage sampling technique, involving Cluster sampling and simple random sampling techniques to collect data from the respondents. Decision was made to conduct this study using Cluster sampling technique.

Herek (2012) asserts that in cluster sampling, a researcher selects the sample in stages- first selecting groups of elements, or clusters (e.g., city blocks, census tracts, schools), and then selecting individual elements from each cluster (e.g., randomly or by systematic sampling). To avoid bias, the clusters need to be selected at random. Cluster sampling is used in large geographic samples where no list is available of all the units in the population but the population boundaries can be well-defined. Hence, for a study of this nature i.e. influence of IPOB pro-Biafra messages on security situation in South East, a cluster sampling technique was most strategic to obtaining information from the residents of South East and to provide answers eminent in the research questions. The researcher chose Aba, Umuahia and Umudike as clusters in Abia State; Awka, Ekwulobia and Onitsha as clusters in Anambra state; Abakaliki, Afikpo, and Ikwo as clusters in Ebonyi; Agbani, Nsukka, Enugu and Oji as clusters for Enugu; Owerri, Orlu and Okigwe as the clusters from which individuals samples are selected at random.

To pick the individual sample elements (respondents) the researcher used simple random sampling. A simple random sampling according to Ogbuoshi (2021) is one in which every member of a population is identified and given an equal chance of being included in the sample.

The researcher first collected the sampling frame for the different clusters of the population. The researcher then proceeded to assign random numbers to each member of the population. Finally the researcher generated random numbers to choose samples from. This was achieved using computer generated random numbers from RANDOM.ORG website.

3.5 Measuring Instrument

This study made use of the questionnaire as the data collection instrument. A set of structured (closed ended) questionnaire was designed and administered on the sampled respondents selected in the study. With the help of five Masters Degree Students who served as research assistants, the questionnaire was administered through face-to-face approach. The choice of face-to-face rather than other methods was to ensure that the trained assistants and the researcher encouraged the respondents to attend to the instrument owing to the fact that, target respondents are sometimes reluctant in attending to such issues. Again, with the face-to-face method, the researcher and the research assistants were able to explain to the respondents who cannot completely understand the variables in the instrument. The five research assistants were properly briefed in the selection of the respondents.

The questionnaire is divided into two parts: the demographic and study related part. The demographic part contains questions pertaining to the age, gender, occupation etc of the respondents while the research related part is the aspect which is related to the study directly; it has to do with questions drafted based on the research questions, and objectives stated in chapter one of this study. The researchers decided to use Questionnaire because it allows anonymity of the respondent thereby, making the respondents comfortable in answering the questions, and also truthful. The instrument is created based on the research questions presented in chapter one of this study and is structured to obtain information frompeople residing in the South east geopolitical zone of Nigeria.

3.6 Validity of the Research Instrument

The validity of the questionnaire was done using face validity technique. The instruments were given to four communication scholars who are senior lecturers in the Departments of Mass Communication, Enugu State University of Science and Technology, Enugu with experience in testing and measurement and after that it was given to the supervisor for his comment. The instrument was tested to know if the questions are related to the topic under consideration and whether they actually addressed the research questions raised in the study. It was also tested for clarity and ambiguity.

3.7 Reliability of the Research Instrument

To ascertain that the instrument used is reliable in yielding good result, the test-retest method was used to measure the reliability of the instrument. The researcher first administered the questionnaire to a selected group of 30 respondents (Artisans, Civil Servants and Students). The reason was to determine whether the responses would be in line with the result expected from the instrument.

After the instrument is administered, an interval of one week was given for the re-administration of the instruments to the same set of respondents to ensure that unrelated variables didn’t interfere with their answers. The results of the two sets of observations were computed and the correlation were obtained. The data gotten from the two tests were subjected to the main reliability test using Pearson’s correlational coefficient statistical procedure.

In the test of reliability using correlational coefficient, Osuala (p.149) opined that “high reliability is indicated by a high correlation coefficient. It is difficult to say how high the correlation should be before accepting the measure as reliable. But for most measures, the correlation would probably be at least + 0.80”.

3.9 Method of Data Collection

The researcher with the aid of the research assistants distributed the 400 copies of questionnaire to a selected number of respondents (sample) who reside in the South-East. The copies of questionnaire were self-administered to the respondents. The completed copies were collected same day and analysed by the researcher.

3.10 Method of Data Analysis

The quantitative data generated from the use of questionnaire were presented using frequency distribution tables, percentages and numbers to show the opinion of the people residing in the South East on the influence of IPOB pro-Biafra messages on security situation in South East. Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) was used as tool for the analysis of the data. The use of SPSS in the analysis of the data was to minimize the mistakes usually associated with the manual computation of the data. Thereafter, the hypotheses raised will be tested using Chi- square.

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND RESULTS

4.1 DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

The entire 400 copies of questionnaire were administered to the residents of Enugu metropolis within the age bracket of 18-40years and above who were randomly selected. Out of the 400 copies of questionnaire distributed, 400 copies were returned, and no copies were damaged in the course of the distribution.

4.2 ANALYSIS OF RESPONDENTS BIO DATA

Table 4.1 The Age bracket of respondents

		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	18-25 years	98	24.5	24.5	24.5
	26-30 years	137	34.3	34.3	58.8
	31-35 years	78	19.5	19.5	78.3
	36-40	51	12.8	12.8	91.0
	40 and above	36	9.0	9.0	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

According to Table 4.1, the data shows that 24.5% of the population signifying 98 persons out of the sample are between the ages of 18- 25; 34.3% signifying 137 persons are between the ages of 26- 30; 19.5% signifying 78 persons are between the ages of 31- 35; 12.8% signifying 51 persons are between the ages of 36-40 and 9.0% signifying 36 persons who are 40 years and above.

Therefore, most respondents were between the ages of 26 to 30 years of age.

Table 4.2 Highest Academic Qualification

			Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
	Valid	Below SSCE	4	1.0	1.0	1.0
		SSCE	36	9.0	9.0	10.0
		OND/NCE	112	28.0	28.0	38.0
		BSc/HND	192	48.0	48.0	86.0
		Others	56	14.0	14.0	100.0
		Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.2 shows that 4 or 1.0% of the respondents have below SSCE, 36 or 9.0% of the respondents have SSCE, 112 or 28.0% of the respondents have OND/NCE, 192 or 28.0% of the respondents have HND/B.Sc., 56% or 14.0% of the respondents have other certificates.

Therefore, majority of the respondents have B.Sc/HND.

Table 4.3 Occupation of respondents

		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Farming	71	17.8	17.8	17.8
	Trading	58	14.5	14.5	32.3
	Civil servant	116	29.0	29.0	61.3
	Student	133	33.3	33.3	94.5
	Politician	12	3.0	3.0	97.5
	Others	10	2.5	2.5	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.3 indicates that 71 or 17.8% of the respondents are farmers, 58 or 14.5% of the respondents are traders, 116 or 29.0% of the respondents are civil servants, 133 or 33.3% of the respondents are students, 12 or 3% of the respondents are politicians, while the remaining 10 or 2.5% fall into the others category.

Therefore, the respondents are mostly students and civil servants.

Table 4.4 Marital Status of Respondents

		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Single	267	66.8	66.8	66.8
	Married	94	23.5	23.5	90.3
	Widow	10	2.5	2.5	92.8
	Divorced	16	4.0	4.0	96.8
	Separated	13	3.3	3.3	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.4 indicates that 267 or 66.8% of the respondents are single, 104 or 23.5% of them are married, 10 or 2.5% of the respondents are widows, 16 or 4.0% of the respondents are divorced, while 13 or 3.3% of the respondents are separated.

Therefore, majority of the respondents are single.

Table 4.5 The Sex of respondents


		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Male	236	59.0	59.0	59.0
	Female	164	41.0	41.0	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on Table 4.5 shows that 59.0% of the respondents were Males signifying 236 persons out of 400 that make up the sample size while 41.0% were Females signifying 214 persons.

Therefore, there were greater number of male respondents than female respondents.

4.3 ANALYSIS OF QUESTIONS ON THE QUESTIONNAIRE

Table 4.6 Do you have access to Information about IPOB
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Yes	389	97.3	97.3	97.3
	No	2	.5	.5	97.8
	Partially	6	1.5	1.5	99.3
	Undecided	3	.8	.8	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.6 Shows that 97.3% signifying 389 persons answered YES when asked if they have Access to Information about IPOB?, 0.5% signifying 2 persons answered NO, 1.5% signifying 6 persons answered partially, while 0.8% signifying 3 persons were undecided.

Therefore, most of the respondents have access to information about IPOB.

Table 4.7Which of this medium do you rely on for IPOB related information?
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Radio	189	47.2	47.2	47.2
	Television	56	14.0	14.0	61.2
	Newspaper	47	11.8	11.8	73.0
	Social media	108	27.0	27.0	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.7Showsthe response to the question which medium do you rely on for IPOB related information?47.2% signifying 189 persons answered radio, 14% signifying 56 persons answered television, 11.8% signifying 47 persons answered newspaper, while 27% signifying 108 persons answered social media.

Therefore, majority of the respondents rely on radio to get IPOB related information, seconded by social media.

Table 4.8How often do you get information about IPOB?
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Always	321	80.3	80.3	80.3
	Once a week	62	15.5	15.5	95.8
	Occasionally	16	4.0	4.0	99.8
	Not at all	1	.3	.3	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Table 4.9 shows the responses of the research respondents on “How often do you get information about IPOB?”.321 respondents representing 80.3% of the entire respondents answered Always, 62 respondents representing 15.5 % answered Once a week, while 16 respondents representing 4% answered Occasionally. 1 respondent representing 0.3% answered Not at all.

Therefore, majority of the respondents always get IPOB related information.

Table 4.9Do you think the information you get from IPOB are true and factual?
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Yes	265	66.3	66.3	66.3
	No	107	26.8	26.8	93.0
	Sometimes	25	6.2	6.2	99.2
	Undecided	3	.8	.8	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.1.12 shows the response of the research respondents to “Do you think the information you get from IPOB are true and factual?” 265 or 66.3% of the respondents answered Yes, 107 or 26.8% of the respondents answered No,25 or 6.2% answered Sometimes and 3 or 0.8% are undecided.

Therefore, majority of the respondents think the information they get from IPOB are true and factual.

Table 4.10Have you ever helped in spreading IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages?
			Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
	Valid	Yes	352	88.0	88.0	88.0
		No	42	10.5	10.5	98.5
		Sometimes	6	1.5	1.5	100.0
		Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.10 shows that 352 or 88.0% of the respondents agreed that they have helped in spreading Pro-IPOB Messages, 42 or 10.5% said No, while, 6 or 1.5% said Sometimes.

Therefore, majority of the respondents have helped in spreading information about IPOB.

Table 4.11South Easterners are exposed to IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages.
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Strongly agree	228	57.0	57.0	57.0
	Agree	132	33.0	33.0	90.0
	Undecided	3	.8	.8	90.8
	Disagree	19	4.8	4.8	95.5
	Strongly Disagree	18	4.5	4.5	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.9shows the responses of the research respondents to the statement “South Easterners are exposed to IPOB Propaganda Messages”. 228 or 57.0% of the respondents Strongly agree, 132 or 33.0% of the respondents agree, 18 or 4.5% strongly disagree and 19 or 4.8% disagree, while 3 or 0.8% of the respondents were undecided.

Therefore, South Easterners are exposed to IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages.

Table 4.12 I see IPOB Media outlets as authentic sources of information
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Strongly agree	162	40.5	40.5	40.5
	Agree	204	51.0	51.0	91.5
	Undecided	9	2.3	2.3	93.8
	Disagree	21	5.3	5.3	99.0
	Strongly Disagree	4	1.0	1.0	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.13 shows the responses of the research respondents “I see IPOB Media outlets as authentic sources of information”. 162 or 40.5% of the respondents Strongly agree, 204 or 51% of the respondents agree, 4 or 1% strongly disagree and 21or 5.3% disagree, while 9 or 2.3% of the respondents were undecided.

Therefore, most of the respondents see IPOB media outlets as authentic sources of Information.

Table 4.14 IPOB Social Media Messages and Radio Biafra has influenced my knowledge level about politics, history and Biafra war
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Strongly agree	197	49.3	49.3	49.3
	Agree	138	34.5	34.5	83.8
	Undecided	5	1.3	1.3	85.0
	Disagree	31	7.8	7.8	92.8
	Strongly Disagree	29	7.2	7.2	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.14 shows the responses of the research respondents “IPOB Social Media Messages and Radio Biafra has influenced my knowledge level about politics, history and Biafra war”.197 or 49.3% of the respondents Strongly agree, 138 or 34.5% of the respondents agree, 29 or 7.2% strongly disagree and 31 or 7.8% disagree, while 5 or 1.3% of the respondents were undecided.

Therefore, IPOB Social Media Messages and Radio Biafra has influenced the knowledge level of majority of the respondents about politics, history and the Biafran war.

Table 4.13 Most South Easterners listen to IPOB Messages and believe in them.
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Strongly agree	195	48.8	48.8	48.8
	Agree	136	34.0	34.0	82.8
	Undecided	8	2.0	2.0	84.8
	Disagree	34	8.5	8.5	93.3
	Strongly Disagree	27	6.8	6.8	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.15showsthe responses of the research respondents “Most South Easterners listen to IPOB Messages and believe in them”.195 or 48.8% of the respondents Strongly agree, 136 or 34% of the respondents agree, 27 or 6.8% strongly disagree, 34 or 8.5% disagree, while 8 or 2% of the respondents were undecided.

Therefore, most South Easterners listen to IPOB Messages and believe them.

Table 4.14 Nnamdi Kanu Speaks the truth always
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Strongly agree	236	59.0	59.0	59.0
	Agree	135	33.8	33.8	92.8
	Undecided	4	1.0	1.0	93.8
	Disagree	17	4.3	4.3	98.0
	Strongly Disagree	8	2.0	2.0	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.16 shows the responses of the research respondents to “Nnamdi Kanu Speaks the truth always”. 236 or 59% of the respondents Strongly agree, 135 or 33.8% of the respondents agree, 8 or 2% strongly disagree and 17 or 4.3% disagree, while 4 or 1% of the respondents were undecided.

Therefore, majority of the respondents believes that Nnamdi Kanu speaks the truth always.

Table 4.15 I get IPOB related information more on Social Media
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Strongly agree	152	38.0	38.0	38.0
	Agree	214	53.5	53.5	91.5
	Undecided	9	2.3	2.3	93.8
	Disagree	21	5.3	5.3	99.0
	Strongly Disagree	4	1.0	1.0	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.17shows the responses of the research respondents to the statement “I get IPOB related information more on Social Media.”. 152 or 38.0% of the respondents Strongly agree, 214 or 53.5% of the respondents agree, 4 or 1.0% strongly disagree and 21 or 5.3% disagree, while 9 or 2.3% of the respondents were undecided.

Therefore, the respondents get IPOB related information more on Social Media.

4.16 IPOB’s Pro-Biafra Messages is the root cause of the Insecurity in the South East.
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Strongly agree	158	39.5	39.5	39.5
	Agree	135	33.8	33.8	73.3
	Undecided	11	2.8	2.8	76.0
	Disagree	57	14.2	14.2	90.3
	Strongly Disagree	39	9.8	9.8	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.18shows the responses of the research respondents to the statement “IPOB’s Pro-Biafra Messages is the root cause of the Insecurity in the South East.”. 158 or 39.5% of the respondents Strongly agree, 135 or 33.8% of the respondents agree, 39 or 9.8% strongly disagree and 57 or 14.2% disagree, while 39 or 9.8% of the respondents were undecided.

Therefore, IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages is the root cause of the Insecurity in the South East.

Table 4.17 IPOB has a hand in the Insecurity in the South East.
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Strongly agree	162	40.5	40.5	40.5
	Agree	204	51.0	51.0	91.5
	Undecided	9	2.3	2.3	93.8
	Disagree	21	5.3	5.3	99.0
	Strongly Disagree	4	1.0	1.0	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.17 shows the responses of the research respondents to “IPOB has a hand in the Insecurity in the South East”.162 or 40.5% of the respondents Strongly agree, 204 or 51% of the respondents agree, 4 or 1% strongly disagree and 21 or 5.3% disagree, while 9 or 2.3% of the respondents were undecided.

Therefore, most of the respondents agree that IPOB has a hand in the Insecurity in the Sout East.

Table 4.18 There won’t be heightened insecurity challenges in the South East if there were no IPOB messages
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Strongly agree	243	60.8	60.8	60.8
	Agree	134	33.5	33.5	94.3
	Undecided	1	.3	.3	94.5
	Disagree	15	3.8	3.8	98.3
	Strongly Disagree	7	1.8	1.8	100.0
	Total	400	100.0	100.0

Data presented on table 4.17 shows the responses of the research respondents to “There won’t be heightened insecurity challenges in the South East if there were no IPOB messages”. 243 or 60.8% of the respondents Strongly agree, 134 or 33.5% of the respondents agree, 7 or 1.8% strongly disagree and 15 or 3.8% disagree, while 1 or 0.3% of the respondents were undecided.

Therefore, the respondents agree that there wont be heightened insecurity challenges in the South East if there were no IPOB.

4.4 TESTING OF HYPOTHESES

At this point the four hypotheses formed earlier were tested to find out whether to accept or reject them and as well as determining the extent of their reliability. This will be achieved using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) to test the Hypotheses. The test will be conducted using chi-square statistical measurement tool.

Decision rule: The test statistics X²T and the critical value X²C shall be compared. if the test statistics is greater than or equal to the critical value, the null hypotheses will be rejected at 5% or 0.05 level of significance. But if otherwise the null hypotheses will be accepted at the same level (0.05).

This can be shown statically as:

X²T ≥ X²C: Reject the null hypotheses and accept the alternate hypotheses

X²T ≤ X²C: Accept the null hypotheses and reject the alternate hypotheses

Hypothesis 1:

H_o:There is no significant relationship between IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages and the Security Situation in South Eastern Nigeria.

H_i:There is a significant relationship between IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages and the Security Situation in South Eastern Nigeria..

TABLE 4.19: There is a significant relationship between IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages and the Security Situation in South Eastern Nigeria.

	Observed N	Expected N	Residual
Strongly agree	152	80.0	72.0
Agree	214	80.0	134.0
Undecided	9	80.0	-71.0
Disagree	21	80.0	-59.0
Strongly Disagree	4	80.0	-76.0
Total	400

TABLE 4.20: Hypothesis 1Test Statistics

	There is a significant relationship between IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages and the Security Situation in South Eastern Nigeria..
Chi-Square	467.975
Df	4

Confidence Level = 5% that is 0.05

Degree of Freedom=4

X²T = 467.975

X²C=9.488

This means that the test statistics X²T is greater than the Value on the table X²C

Decision: since the test statistics X²T > X²C i.e. 467.975> 9.488 the null hypotheses is rejected while the alternate hypotheses is accepted.

Conclusion: This statistical test has upheld the hypotheses which states that there is a significant relationship between IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages and the Security Situation in South Eastern Nigeria.

Hypothesis 2:

H_o: There is no significant relationship between the knowledge level of South Easterners about politics, history and the Biafra war and their exposure to IPOB Messages.

H_i: There is a significant relationship between the knowledge level of South Easterners about politics, history and the Biafra war and their exposure to IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages.

TABLE 4.21: There is a significant relationship between the knowledge level of South Easterners about politics, history and the Biafra war and their exposure to IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages.

		Observed N	Expected N	Residual
Strongly agree		158	80.0	78.0
Agree		135	80.0	55.0
Undecided		11	80.0	-69.0
Disagree		57	80.0	-23.0
Strongly Disagree		39	80.0	-41.0
Total		400
TABLE 4.22: Hypothesis 2 Test Statistics
	There is a significant relationship between the knowledge level of South Easterners about politics, history and the Biafra war and their exposure to IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages.
Chi-Square	201.000
Df	4

Confidence Level = 5% that is 0.05

Degree of Freedom=4

X²T = 201.000

X²C=9.488

This means that the test statistics X²T is greater than the Value on the table X²C

Decision: since the test statistics X²T > X²C i.e201.000> 9.488 the null hypotheses is rejected while the alternate hypotheses is accepted.

Conclusion: This statistical test has upheld the hypotheses which states that there is a significant relationship between the knowledge level of South Easterners about politics, history and the Biafra war and their exposure to IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages.

4.5 DISCUSSION OF RESULTS

The bio data of the respondents shows that 59.0% of the respondents were Males signifying 236 persons out of 400, a good number of the respondents (34.3%) signifying 137 persons are between the ages of 26- 30, with only 9% aged 40 and above and23.5% of the respondents are married while 66.8% of them are single. Seventy-six percent have certificate from tertiary institutions, while 14% of the respondents have other degrees and only a paltry one percent (4 persons) have not gotten SSCE. Most of the respondents are students (33.3%) closely followed by a good number of civil servants (29%).

A large proportion of the sample (97.3%) have access to information about IPOB, radio is the most preferred medium for for IPOB related information (47.2%), closely followed by social media (27%); while only 11.8% relied newspaper. Majority of the respondents believe radio is the best medium for to access IPOB related Information (88.5%).

Findings from the study were quite revealing. The finding from the study suggests that the residents of South Eastern Region of Nigeria are exposed to Pro-Biafra messages. This finding is in line with the reports of Premium Times Newspapers about the rising radicalisation of youths in the South East through Radio Biafra and Social Media channels.

The findings further indicate that respondents mainly access Pro-Biafra messages through the radio. A greater number of the respondents say that radio is the most accessible medium through which they get Pro-Biafra Messages. This finding corroborates Tafida (1986, cited in Asemah 2011), that broadcasting (radio) is so powerful. It brings political, economic and social news to any community or any group of communities. Nwabueze (2014) adds that Radio offers the advantage of flexibility to the source or sender of a message. The message could be changed or updated where necessary at a relatively low cost.

Other findings reveal that Pro-Biafra Messages influenced the security situation in the South East (162 (40.5%) respondents said this). This supports the assertion of the 2021 Cable Index report showing a near 200% increase in violent killings in South East following the formation of ESN and detention of Nnamdi Kanu.

The hypotheses was tested and in the 2 cases the null hypotheses was rejected and the alternate accepted. According to the hypotheses tested,there is a significant relationship between IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages and the Security Situation in South Eastern Nigeria and there is a significant relationship between the knowledge level of South Easterners about politics, history and the Biafra war and their exposure to IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages.

CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Summary

This study evaluates the Influence of IPOB Messages on Security Situation in the South Eastern part of Nigeria. In conducting this study, survey research design was used to generate quantitative data.

To effectively carry out this study, four research questions and two hypotheses were raised and tested in this study. In answering the four research questions, quantitative data generated through the questionnaire were used. Chi-square Goodness of Fit was used to test the hypotheses. At the end of the analysis, various findings were made. Key among them are hereunder summarized:

(1) It was discovered that to a great extent, South Easterners were exposed to IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages.

(2) The study equally revealed that IPOB Radio Biafra and social media messages influenced the knowledge level of South Easterners about politics, history and the Biafran war to a very great extent.

(3) It was also found in this study that Radio (Radio Biafra) is most popular in transmitting IPOB related information in the South East.

(4) Finally, the study equally revealed that to a great extent, the IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages influenced the current security situation in South Eastern Nigeria.

5.2 Conclusion

South Eastern Nigeria is the home of Indigenous Igbo people who are naturally a peace loving people who pride themselves in hard work and tenacity and whose freedom and Republican nature overrides everything. To throw such a people in a pool of violence within such a short period of time can be best described in the faintest word, inhuman.

This study, having established amongst other things; that the messages being passed by the Indigenous of People of Biafra has greatly influenced the security situation in the South East, thereby upturning a once most peaceful region to a near war zone goes far to prove how detrimental hate speech can be for a nation.

Herein, the researcher is compelled to urge other researchers to continue from her and study the effect pirate radio on the radicalisation of peaceful people; A Study of South Eastern Nigeria.

5.3 Recommendations

Based on the findings made in this study and the conclusions reached, the researcher made the following recommendations:

That Government should step up with the regulation of piracy radio station and unregistered Newspapers so as to stop the proliferation of fake news and incisive messages on Nigerian Airwaves.
That Communication bodies, agencies and professionals put head together to design a feasible template with which social media can be regulated without stifling the freedom speech.
The researcher recommends that the Federal Government should obey court orders and release the self-acclaimed Leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra and try him judiciously like a Nigerian with human rights who is innocent until proven guilty
That the Indigenous People of Biafra should Disband ESN so that everyone caught destroying lives and properties will be marked as a proper enemy of the State.

APPENDIX I

School of Post-graduate Studies

Department of Mass Communication

Faculty of Management Sciences

Enugu State University of Science

and Technology, (ESUT), Enugu.

Enugu State.

July, 2022.

Dear Respondent,

LETTER OF INTRODUCTION

I am Ugwuagbo Emmanuel Chizoba, a Masters Degree student of the Department of Mass Communication in the above named institution. I am conducting a research work on the topic: Influence of IPOB Messages on Security Situation South East.

Assist me in filling the attached questionnaire. Any information given will be treated with absolute confidentiality as it will be used for academic purpose only.

Thanks for your maximum cooperation.

Yours faithfully,

Ugwuagbo Emmanuel Chizoba

APPENDIX II

QUESTIONNAIRE

(SECTION A)

Please tick as appropriate

Age:

18-25 [ ] 26-35 [ ] 36-45 [ ] Above 45 [ ]

Educational Qualification:

FSLC [ ] SSCE [ ] OND/NCE [ ] BSc/BA/HND [ ] PGD [ ]M.Sc and Above [ ]

Occupation:

Farming [ ] Trading [ ] Civil Servant [ ] Student [ ] Politician [ ] Others [ ]

3. What is your marital status:

Single [ ] Married [ ] Widowed [ ] Divorced [ ]

Sex:

Male [ ] Female [ ]

(SECTION B)

How long have you been hearing about Biafra?

6-12 months [ ] 1-5years [ ] 6-10 years [ ] 11 years and above [ ]

Do you have access to Information about IPOB?

Yes [ ] No [ ] Partially [ ] Not Really [ ]

Which of this medium do you rely on for IPOB related information?

Radio [ ] Television[ ] Newspaper [ ] Social media[ ]

How often do you get information about IPOB?

Always [ ] Once a week[ ] Occasionally [ ] Not at all[ ]

Do you think the information you get from IPOB are true and factual?

Yes [ ] No [ ] Sometimes [ ] Undecided [ ]

Have you ever helped in spreading IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages?

Yes { } No { } Sometimes { }

Please tick one on your level of agreement with the following statement on the following scale:

SA= Strongly agree, A=Agree, N=neutral, D=Disagree, SD= strongly disagree

S/n	Questions	SA	A	N	D	SD
12	South Easterners are exposed to IPOB Pro-Biafra Messages?
13	I see IPOB Media outlets as authentic sources of information
12	IPOB Social Media Messages and Radio Biafra has influenced my knowledge level about politics, history and Biafra war
13	Most South Easterners listen to IPOB Messages and believes in them
14	NnamdiKanu Speaks the truth always
15	I get IPOB related information on more on Social Media
16	IPOB’s Pro-Biafra Messages is the root cause of the Insecurity in the South East
17	IPOB has a hand in the Insecurity in the South East
18	There won’t be heightened insecurity challenges in the South East if there were no IPOB messages

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